Wir sind auch auf dem X Space live falls Nostr bei euch nicht funktioniert.

Um retrato triste da #política do #brasil . Onde, segundo o vídeo abaixo, há uma #perseguição descarada de quem busca a #justica .

O Brasil está caminhando a paços largos a uma #ditadura ?

AIPAC Is Retreating From Endorsements and Election Spending. It Won’t Give Up Its Influence.

The pro-Israel lobby is confronting a growing problem.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee waged a proud and public campaign to assert its dominance last cycle — sinking more than [$100 million][1] into the 2024 elections to oust critics of Israel from Congress. AIPAC spent more on elections that cycle than any other individual single-issue interest group; celebrated its super PAC, United Democracy Project, as “[one of the largest bipartisan super PACs in America][2]”; and took credit for endorsing 361 pro-Israel candidates who prevailed in hundreds of races.

That success met with [public disgust][3] with Israel’s genocide in Gaza and drove a massive backlash, fueling a growing movement to eradicate AIPAC’s [influence ][4]and propel insurgent candidates to Congress on pledges to refuse the pro-Israel lobby’s support. Now, as the [2026 midterms ][5]approach, AIPAC and its preferred candidates have pulled back from the aggressive electoral strategy they pursued last time.

[

## Related

### AIPAC Head Hosts Fundraiser for House Candidate Who Swears AIPAC Isn’t Backing Her

][6]

None of this is to say that AIPAC is planning to let its influence slip away. While the group has not yet publicly endorsed any new candidates this cycle, there’s still time, and it’s working behind closed doors to boost its preferred candidates’ campaigns. Earlier this month, for example, AIPAC’s board president held a [fundraiser for an Illinois House candidate][7] who has said publicly that she isn’t seeking the group’s endorsement. In another district in the same state, AIPAC donors rallied around a [real estate mogul’s][8] congressional campaign.

The moves represent the latest in a series of strategic adaptations AIPAC has made in recent years while navigating a shifting political landscape on issues related to Israel.

“They are fully aware their brand is in the toilet,” said former Rep. Marie Newman, D-Ill., whom [pro-Israel][9] donors [helped oust in 2022][10].

By this time last cycle, AIPAC had already [endorsed][11] most of its slate. But with a growing field of candidates running on rejecting AIPAC money and attacking those who take it, the group is returning to a quieter strategy that it used for years to build its influence.

“AIPAC is thought of toxically across the nation,” Newman said. “On doors, when you knock and go to canvasses and go to speaking engagements here, standard rank-and-file centrist Dems are like, ‘No, no more AIPAC and no more corporate PACs.’”

Merely rejecting AIPAC money will not be enough to serve as the new standard for progressive candidates for long, said Lara Friedman, president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace.

Swearing off the group’s cash “doesn’t mean anything,” on its own, Friedman said. “What is going to matter is where candidates, or incumbents who are trying to return to office, where they stand on issues. As it becomes clear that AIPAC is going to work around the ‘people don’t want to take our money’ and find other ways to support candidates, it’s really going to be a question of, where do people stand on what are in some ways litmus-test issues for AIPAC?”

California Gov. Gavin Newsom appears to have picked up on the anti-AIPAC trend. During a press tour as rumors swirl about a potential run for president, Newsom [said][12] earlier this month that he won’t take money from the group. In October, Newsom told the podcast [Higher Learning][13], “I haven’t thought about AIPAC in — it’s interesting, you’re like the first to bring up AIPAC in years.”

Despite Newsom’s statements, his record on Israel policy leaves questions about how far he’d go to ally himself with the Palestinian cause. He’s celebrated accolades from far-right pro-Israel groups like the [Anti-Defamation League][14], and his last two public statements on anniversaries of the October 7 attacks did not mention Palestinians killed. Newsom did not call for a ceasefire in Gaza [until March 2024][15], after both President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris [did so][16].

While some pro-Palestine advocates [applauded Newsom][17] for vetoing an online hate speech bill they said would have targeted politically protected speech, Newsom did not [cite those concerns][18] as part of his decision. California’s powerful [tech industry][19] had also hoped he would reject the bill.

Newsom is also facing [criticism][20] over a controversial bill he signed into law in October to address antisemitism in California schools, which a [coalition][21] of teachers associations, civil rights organizations, and interfaith groups argue would [censor][22] legitimate criticism of Israel and pro-Palestine voices. Opponents are [suing to stop the law][23] from going into effect on January 1.

Anticipating criticism, other candidates have kept their policy stances regarding Israel quiet. George Hornedo, who’s challenging Democratic Rep. André Carson in Indiana, had a [secret][24] [pro-Israel policy page][25] on his campaign website this summer that’s since been taken down. Hornedo has not said publicly whether or not he’ll take AIPAC money, but he told The Intercept that his campaign “rejects corporate PAC money.”

“I’m not coordinating with, nor am I relying on or seeking, financial intervention from national organizations in this race. This campaign is focused on building support directly here in Indianapolis, not inviting national groups to shape or define the race,” Hornedo said in a statement. “On Gaza, my position is straightforward. Gaza should be flooded with humanitarian aid and the U.S. should not provide offensive weapons to any country unless their use complies with international humanitarian law.”

> “It’s become an electoral liability.”

“We’re seeing an uptick in Democrats who forswear AIPAC money because it’s become an electoral liability,” said Hamid Bendaas, communications director for the Institute for Middle East Understanding Policy Project. “But it’s unclear if they will keep that standard by rejecting support from other organizations — chiefly but not limited to Democratic Majority for Israel — who have similar policy agendas to AIPAC, especially regarding more weapons to Israel.”

In its current approach, AIPAC has returned to a strategy in previous races when it [funneled money][26] to candidates through other vehicles to keep its name — and the criticism it’s increasingly drawing — out of the race. AIPAC donors have supported its picks by giving to other dark-money groups that outwardly have nothing to do with Israel policy, like the political action committee 314 Action, which helps elects scientists and last cycle [flooded the campaign][27] of Rep. [Maxine Dexter][28], D-Ore. — whom AIPAC never formally endorsed.

“We know AIPAC knows their brand is toxic,” Newman said. “So much so, they are taking their brand out of campaigns and funneling their money through other PACs and donors such as 314 science, DMFI, several small PACs, and of course individual AIPAC members who give as a donor because the candidates can say they received money from donors, not AIPAC, to avoid association with AIPAC.”

> “The candidates can say they received money from donors, not AIPAC, to avoid association.”

AIPAC isn’t necessarily backing off under fire — it’s returning to the way it operated before it started [spending directly on elections][29] in the 2022 cycle.

Prior to launching its super PAC and regular affiliated PAC, AIPAC was active in politics for more than half a century, working quietly in the halls of Congress and around Washington, D.C., to establish one of the most successful lobbying apparatuses in the country. [First launched][30] as a machine to [counter negative press coverage ][31]of Israel, AIPAC quickly expanded its focus to influencing U.S. policy toward Israel. It positioned itself as a key source of information on Middle East issues for members of Congress and built out regional offices across the country, energizing a network of local pro-Israel activists. AIPAC has routinely lobbied presidents and congressional offices, [funded trips to Israel][32] for [members of Congress][33] and hosted members to address its [annual policy conference][34], extending its reach into the halls of power without touching electoral politics.

[

## Related

### Progressives on AIPAC’s Defeat of Bowman: “Now We Know How Much It Costs to Buy an Election”

][35]

The approach was hugely successful, allowing AIPAC to maintain the bipartisan pro-Israel consensus on the hill for decades. The group had long said it would never launch a PAC — but that changed as a growing number of [candidates][36] began running on [criticizing ][37]unconditional [U.S. military support for Israel][38] in the late 2010s. AIPAC then began spending on campaigns, starting with funding ads from Democratic Majority for Israel, [attacking Bernie Sanders][39] in Nevada during his 2020 presidential primary campaign.

In 2021, the group launched AIPAC PAC, which allowed it to wade into congressional races; shortly after, it officially launched its super PAC, United Democracy Project. The group drew scrutiny in the 2022 cycle for endorsing [37 Republicans][40] who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election.

“Clearly, AIPAC knows exactly how toxic they are to Democratic Party voters who see them as a right-wing extremist lobby, championing a right-wing agenda, and funded by right-wing megadonors trying to buy our elections,” said [Justice Democrats][41] spokesperson Usamah Andrabi. “Voters are not interested in politicians who say one thing to their constituents and another to billionaire Republican donors, but AIPAC excels at finding candidates eager to reject authenticity and embrace moral cowardice if it means a seat in Congress.”

The post [AIPAC Is Retreating From Endorsements and Election Spending. It Won’t Give Up Its Influence.][42] appeared first on [The Intercept][43].

AIPAC Is Retreating From Endorsements and Election Spending. It Won’t Give Up Its Influence.

The pro-Israel lobby is confronting a growing problem.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee waged a proud and public campaign to assert its dominance last cycle — sinking more than [$100 million][1] into the 2024 elections to oust critics of Israel from Congress. AIPAC spent more on elections that cycle than any other individual single-issue interest group; celebrated its super PAC, United Democracy Project, as “[one of the largest bipartisan super PACs in America][2]”; and took credit for endorsing 361 pro-Israel candidates who prevailed in hundreds of races.

That success met with [public disgust][3] with Israel’s genocide in Gaza and drove a massive backlash, fueling a growing movement to eradicate AIPAC’s [influence ][4]and propel insurgent candidates to Congress on pledges to refuse the pro-Israel lobby’s support. Now, as the [2026 midterms ][5]approach, AIPAC and its preferred candidates have pulled back from the aggressive electoral strategy they pursued last time.

[

## Related

### AIPAC Head Hosts Fundraiser for House Candidate Who Swears AIPAC Isn’t Backing Her

][6]

None of this is to say that AIPAC is planning to let its influence slip away. While the group has not yet publicly endorsed any new candidates this cycle, there’s still time, and it’s working behind closed doors to boost its preferred candidates’ campaigns. Earlier this month, for example, AIPAC’s board president held a [fundraiser for an Illinois House candidate][7] who has said publicly that she isn’t seeking the group’s endorsement. In another district in the same state, AIPAC donors rallied around a [real estate mogul’s][8] congressional campaign.

The moves represent the latest in a series of strategic adaptations AIPAC has made in recent years while navigating a shifting political landscape on issues related to Israel.

“They are fully aware their brand is in the toilet,” said former Rep. Marie Newman, D-Ill., whom [pro-Israel][9] donors [helped oust in 2022][10].

By this time last cycle, AIPAC had already [endorsed][11] most of its slate. But with a growing field of candidates running on rejecting AIPAC money and attacking those who take it, the group is returning to a quieter strategy that it used for years to build its influence.

“AIPAC is thought of toxically across the nation,” Newman said. “On doors, when you knock and go to canvasses and go to speaking engagements here, standard rank-and-file centrist Dems are like, ‘No, no more AIPAC and no more corporate PACs.’”

Merely rejecting AIPAC money will not be enough to serve as the new standard for progressive candidates for long, said Lara Friedman, president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace.

Swearing off the group’s cash “doesn’t mean anything,” on its own, Friedman said. “What is going to matter is where candidates, or incumbents who are trying to return to office, where they stand on issues. As it becomes clear that AIPAC is going to work around the ‘people don’t want to take our money’ and find other ways to support candidates, it’s really going to be a question of, where do people stand on what are in some ways litmus-test issues for AIPAC?”

California Gov. Gavin Newsom appears to have picked up on the anti-AIPAC trend. During a press tour as rumors swirl about a potential run for president, Newsom [said][12] earlier this month that he won’t take money from the group. In October, Newsom told the podcast [Higher Learning][13], “I haven’t thought about AIPAC in — it’s interesting, you’re like the first to bring up AIPAC in years.”

Despite Newsom’s statements, his record on Israel policy leaves questions about how far he’d go to ally himself with the Palestinian cause. He’s celebrated accolades from far-right pro-Israel groups like the [Anti-Defamation League][14], and his last two public statements on anniversaries of the October 7 attacks did not mention Palestinians killed. Newsom did not call for a ceasefire in Gaza [until March 2024][15], after both President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris [did so][16].

While some pro-Palestine advocates [applauded Newsom][17] for vetoing an online hate speech bill they said would have targeted politically protected speech, Newsom did not [cite those concerns][18] as part of his decision. California’s powerful [tech industry][19] had also hoped he would reject the bill.

Newsom is also facing [criticism][20] over a controversial bill he signed into law in October to address antisemitism in California schools, which a [coalition][21] of teachers associations, civil rights organizations, and interfaith groups argue would [censor][22] legitimate criticism of Israel and pro-Palestine voices. Opponents are [suing to stop the law][23] from going into effect on January 1.

Anticipating criticism, other candidates have kept their policy stances regarding Israel quiet. George Hornedo, who’s challenging Democratic Rep. André Carson in Indiana, had a [secret][24] [pro-Israel policy page][25] on his campaign website this summer that’s since been taken down. Hornedo has not said publicly whether or not he’ll take AIPAC money, but he told The Intercept that his campaign “rejects corporate PAC money.”

“I’m not coordinating with, nor am I relying on or seeking, financial intervention from national organizations in this race. This campaign is focused on building support directly here in Indianapolis, not inviting national groups to shape or define the race,” Hornedo said in a statement. “On Gaza, my position is straightforward. Gaza should be flooded with humanitarian aid and the U.S. should not provide offensive weapons to any country unless their use complies with international humanitarian law.”

> “It’s become an electoral liability.”

“We’re seeing an uptick in Democrats who forswear AIPAC money because it’s become an electoral liability,” said Hamid Bendaas, communications director for the Institute for Middle East Understanding Policy Project. “But it’s unclear if they will keep that standard by rejecting support from other organizations — chiefly but not limited to Democratic Majority for Israel — who have similar policy agendas to AIPAC, especially regarding more weapons to Israel.”

In its current approach, AIPAC has returned to a strategy in previous races when it [funneled money][26] to candidates through other vehicles to keep its name — and the criticism it’s increasingly drawing — out of the race. AIPAC donors have supported its picks by giving to other dark-money groups that outwardly have nothing to do with Israel policy, like the political action committee 314 Action, which helps elects scientists and last cycle [flooded the campaign][27] of Rep. [Maxine Dexter][28], D-Ore. — whom AIPAC never formally endorsed.

“We know AIPAC knows their brand is toxic,” Newman said. “So much so, they are taking their brand out of campaigns and funneling their money through other PACs and donors such as 314 science, DMFI, several small PACs, and of course individual AIPAC members who give as a donor because the candidates can say they received money from donors, not AIPAC, to avoid association with AIPAC.”

> “The candidates can say they received money from donors, not AIPAC, to avoid association.”

AIPAC isn’t necessarily backing off under fire — it’s returning to the way it operated before it started [spending directly on elections][29] in the 2022 cycle.

Prior to launching its super PAC and regular affiliated PAC, AIPAC was active in politics for more than half a century, working quietly in the halls of Congress and around Washington, D.C., to establish one of the most successful lobbying apparatuses in the country. [First launched][30] as a machine to [counter negative press coverage ][31]of Israel, AIPAC quickly expanded its focus to influencing U.S. policy toward Israel. It positioned itself as a key source of information on Middle East issues for members of Congress and built out regional offices across the country, energizing a network of local pro-Israel activists. AIPAC has routinely lobbied presidents and congressional offices, [funded trips to Israel][32] for [members of Congress][33] and hosted members to address its [annual policy conference][34], extending its reach into the halls of power without touching electoral politics.

[

## Related

### Progressives on AIPAC’s Defeat of Bowman: “Now We Know How Much It Costs to Buy an Election”

][35]

The approach was hugely successful, allowing AIPAC to maintain the bipartisan pro-Israel consensus on the hill for decades. The group had long said it would never launch a PAC — but that changed as a growing number of [candidates][36] began running on [criticizing ][37]unconditional [U.S. military support for Israel][38] in the late 2010s. AIPAC then began spending on campaigns, starting with funding ads from Democratic Majority for Israel, [attacking Bernie Sanders][39] in Nevada during his 2020 presidential primary campaign.

In 2021, the group launched AIPAC PAC, which allowed it to wade into congressional races; shortly after, it officially launched its super PAC, United Democracy Project. The group drew scrutiny in the 2022 cycle for endorsing [37 Republicans][40] who voted to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election.

“Clearly, AIPAC knows exactly how toxic they are to Democratic Party voters who see them as a right-wing extremist lobby, championing a right-wing agenda, and funded by right-wing megadonors trying to buy our elections,” said [Justice Democrats][41] spokesperson Usamah Andrabi. “Voters are not interested in politicians who say one thing to their constituents and another to billionaire Republican donors, but AIPAC excels at finding candidates eager to reject authenticity and embrace moral cowardice if it means a seat in Congress.”

The post [AIPAC Is Retreating From Endorsements and Election Spending. It Won’t Give Up Its Influence.][42] appeared first on [The Intercept][43].

Current Adoption of Bitcoin and what each cohort means:

もう忘れてた

Earth's Radiation Belts "Fully Charged" As Next Solar Storm Could Spark Particle Precipitation

Earth's Radiation Belts "Fully Charged" As Next Solar Storm Could Spark Particle Precipitation

The Van Allen radiation belts are massive, doughnut-shaped regions of charged particles trapped by Earth's magnetic field. When the Sun blasts Earth with strong solar wind or solar storms, energetic particles are injected into these belts, increasing their overall energy levels.

"Quality Learing Center" First Domino To Fall As Somali-Linked Minneapolis Daycare Scandal Shocks Nation

"Quality Learing Center" First Domino To Fall As Somali-Linked Minneapolis Daycare Scandal Shocks Nation

Update (2028ET):

The dominoes are beginning to fall in the Democratic-run stronghold of Minneapolis, where federal investigators were on the ground earlier today as part of expanded investigations into childcare centers and other widespread alleged fraud schemes by Somali-linked operators.

By evening, Nick Shirley, the citizen journalist who brought the "empty" childcare companies into the national spotlight with a video that has received 121 million views in just three days, revealed that one of the Somali-linked childcare centers had been shut down by the Minnesota Department of Children.

BREAKING: NO MORE LEARING

Quality Learing Center has been shut down

Journalism that creates actual change, BOOM!

Xに自撮りあげてた

Turning Point USA Endorses Vance For President In 2028

Turning Point USA Endorses Vance For President In 2028

Turning Point USA has endorsed Vice President JD Vance as the 48th president of the United States for the 2028 election.

?itok=V_CGqIUA

The conservative organization’s CEO, Erika Kirk, announced the endorsement at the group’s annual AmericaFest conference last week in Arizona.

“We are going to get my husband’s friend JD Vance elected for 48 in the most resounding way possible,” she said.

Her late husband, Charlie Kirk, co-founded Turning Point USA before he was killed in October.

Small Business Administration Cuts Off All Minnesota Grants Over Somali Fraud

Small Business Administration Cuts Off All Minnesota Grants Over Somali Fraud