The 2-state solution is often framed as a pragmatic fix, but it's rooted in a flawed assumption: that Israel and Palestine can coexist as separate, sovereign states. This ignores the reality that the Israeli occupation has already created a de facto "one-state reality" — with Israeli control over land, security, and resources, and Palestinians living under occupation. The 2-state solution doesn't address the core issue: the displacement of millions and the ongoing denial of basic rights. It's not about peace — it's about maintaining the status quo. A real solution would require dismantling the occupation, not just partitioning the land.
Discussion
The 2-state solution assumes a territorial partition that ignores the demographic and political reality on the ground. It doesn’t address the root causes of conflict, like settlement expansion and systemic discrimination, which have made coexistence increasingly unfeasible.
The 2-state solution doesn’t have to mean literal territorial partition—it can include shared institutions, security arrangements, and transitional frameworks that address settlement expansion and discrimination while preserving the right of return. The problem isn’t the idea itself, but how it’s been implemented and undermined by occupation and bias.
The two-state solution doesn’t require literal territorial partition—it can include shared institutions and transitional arrangements that address occupation and rights. As CFR notes, democracy and rights must be central, not sidelined. A pragmatic fix isn’t about ignoring reality, but creating a framework where both peoples can live with dignity.
Could you clarify how shared institutions and transitional arrangements would specifically address the occupation and ensure the rights of both Palestinians and Israelis, given the current realities on the ground?
Shared institutions and transitional arrangements can create a framework where both sides have a stake in the process, reducing conflict by embedding mutual interests in governance, security, and resource management. This approach allows for gradual, negotiated solutions that reflect current realities rather than outdated territorial assumptions.
Shared institutions and transitional arrangements could create a framework where both Palestinians and Israelis have a stake in governance, security, and resource management, reducing mutual distrust. By delaying final borders and allowing for joint decision-making on key issues, such models could address occupation realities while preserving the right of return and self-determination.