2/n
Chapter 2 – Economy[edit]
Chapter 2 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 19 articles that outline the economic structure of North Korea.
Article 19 states that North Korea relies on the socialist relations of production and the foundation of an independent national economy.[11]
Articles 20 to 23 states that the means of production are owned by the state and social cooperatives, and lists provisions for state and social cooperative properties.[11]
Article 24 allows for citizens to have private property, which the state shall protect and guarantee its inheritance.[11]
Article 25 states that North Korea shall continually increase the living standards of its people who shall be provided by the state with food, clothing and housing.[11]
Article 26 states that North Korea has an independent national economy in which Article 27 states that science and technology will have a leading role.[11]
Article 30 provides for an eight-hour work day for workers which the state will fully utilize, while Article 31 prohibits work for those who are below 16 years old.[11]
Article 33 states that the North Korean economy will be managed by the producer masses under the Cabinet based on the "socialist system of responsible business management" and on economic levers such as cost, price and profit.[11]
Article 34 states that North Korea has a planned economy which the state shall develop based on socialist principles.[11] Article 35 provides a requirement for a state budget based on North Korea's plans for economic development.[11]
Article 36 states that foreign trade in North Korea is conducted by state institutions, state enterprises and social cooperatives with the objective of maintaining credibility in foreign trade, improving trade structure and developing trade relations with foreign countries.[11] Article 37 encourages joint ventures with foreign corporations and individuals and the creation of businesses in special economic zones.[11] Article 38 establishes a tariff policy to protect the North Korean economy.[11]
Chapter 3 – Culture[edit]
Chapter 3 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 18 articles that outline the cultural structure of North Korea.
Article 39 states that North Korea has a socialist culture, which in Article 40 states to be training the people into builders of socialism.[12] Article 41 provides that this socialist culture is popular and revolutionary.[12]
Article 44 provides for public education, cadre training, technological education and education in work.[12] Article 45 provides for a universal compulsory 12-year education, with Article 46 providing scientific and technical training.[12] Articles 47, 48 and 49 provides for free education, allowances for university and college students, social education, conditions for study to all workers and nurseries and kindergartens for preschool children from the state.[12]
Articles 50 and 51 emphasizes that North Korea should develop its science and technology.[12]
Article 52 states that North Korea has a Juche-oriented, revolutionary art and literature that has nationalist form and socialist content that allows for the production of ideological and artistic works and the broad participation of the masses in literary and artistic activities.[12]
Article 53 requires the state to provide cultural facilities for the people for their mental and physical improvement.[12]
Article 54 requires the state to protect and develop the national language.[12]
Article 55 requires the state to prepare the people for work and national defense through sports.[12] Article 56 provides the people with access to free healthcare to protect their health, while Article 57 provides them with access to hygienic living and working conditions through environmental protection efforts by the state.[12]
Chapter 4 – National Defense[edit]
2/n
Chapter 2 – Economy[edit]
Chapter 2 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 19 articles that outline the economic structure of North Korea.
Article 19 states that North Korea relies on the socialist relations of production and the foundation of an independent national economy.[11]
Articles 20 to 23 states that the means of production are owned by the state and social cooperatives, and lists provisions for state and social cooperative properties.[11]
Article 24 allows for citizens to have private property, which the state shall protect and guarantee its inheritance.[11]
Article 25 states that North Korea shall continually increase the living standards of its people who shall be provided by the state with food, clothing and housing.[11]
Article 26 states that North Korea has an independent national economy in which Article 27 states that science and technology will have a leading role.[11]
Article 30 provides for an eight-hour work day for workers which the state will fully utilize, while Article 31 prohibits work for those who are below 16 years old.[11]
Article 33 states that the North Korean economy will be managed by the producer masses under the Cabinet based on the "socialist system of responsible business management" and on economic levers such as cost, price and profit.[11]
Article 34 states that North Korea has a planned economy which the state shall develop based on socialist principles.[11] Article 35 provides a requirement for a state budget based on North Korea's plans for economic development.[11]
Article 36 states that foreign trade in North Korea is conducted by state institutions, state enterprises and social cooperatives with the objective of maintaining credibility in foreign trade, improving trade structure and developing trade relations with foreign countries.[11] Article 37 encourages joint ventures with foreign corporations and individuals and the creation of businesses in special economic zones.[11] Article 38 establishes a tariff policy to protect the North Korean economy.[11]
Chapter 3 – Culture[edit]
Chapter 3 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 18 articles that outline the cultural structure of North Korea.
Article 39 states that North Korea has a socialist culture, which in Article 40 states to be training the people into builders of socialism.[12] Article 41 provides that this socialist culture is popular and revolutionary.[12]
Article 44 provides for public education, cadre training, technological education and education in work.[12] Article 45 provides for a universal compulsory 12-year education, with Article 46 providing scientific and technical training.[12] Articles 47, 48 and 49 provides for free education, allowances for university and college students, social education, conditions for study to all workers and nurseries and kindergartens for preschool children from the state.[12]
Articles 50 and 51 emphasizes that North Korea should develop its science and technology.[12]
Article 52 states that North Korea has a Juche-oriented, revolutionary art and literature that has nationalist form and socialist content that allows for the production of ideological and artistic works and the broad participation of the masses in literary and artistic activities.[12]
Article 53 requires the state to provide cultural facilities for the people for their mental and physical improvement.[12]
Article 54 requires the state to protect and develop the national language.[12]
Article 55 requires the state to prepare the people for work and national defense through sports.[12] Article 56 provides the people with access to free healthcare to protect their health, while Article 57 provides them with access to hygienic living and working conditions through environmental protection efforts by the state.[12]
Chapter 4 – National Defense[edit]
2/n
Chapter 2 – Economy[edit]
Chapter 2 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 19 articles that outline the economic structure of North Korea.
Article 19 states that North Korea relies on the socialist relations of production and the foundation of an independent national economy.[11]
Articles 20 to 23 states that the means of production are owned by the state and social cooperatives, and lists provisions for state and social cooperative properties.[11]
Article 24 allows for citizens to have private property, which the state shall protect and guarantee its inheritance.[11]
Article 25 states that North Korea shall continually increase the living standards of its people who shall be provided by the state with food, clothing and housing.[11]
Article 26 states that North Korea has an independent national economy in which Article 27 states that science and technology will have a leading role.[11]
Article 30 provides for an eight-hour work day for workers which the state will fully utilize, while Article 31 prohibits work for those who are below 16 years old.[11]
Article 33 states that the North Korean economy will be managed by the producer masses under the Cabinet based on the "socialist system of responsible business management" and on economic levers such as cost, price and profit.[11]
Article 34 states that North Korea has a planned economy which the state shall develop based on socialist principles.[11] Article 35 provides a requirement for a state budget based on North Korea's plans for economic development.[11]
Article 36 states that foreign trade in North Korea is conducted by state institutions, state enterprises and social cooperatives with the objective of maintaining credibility in foreign trade, improving trade structure and developing trade relations with foreign countries.[11] Article 37 encourages joint ventures with foreign corporations and individuals and the creation of businesses in special economic zones.[11] Article 38 establishes a tariff policy to protect the North Korean economy.[11]
Chapter 3 – Culture[edit]
Chapter 3 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 18 articles that outline the cultural structure of North Korea.
Article 39 states that North Korea has a socialist culture, which in Article 40 states to be training the people into builders of socialism.[12] Article 41 provides that this socialist culture is popular and revolutionary.[12]
Article 44 provides for public education, cadre training, technological education and education in work.[12] Article 45 provides for a universal compulsory 12-year education, with Article 46 providing scientific and technical training.[12] Articles 47, 48 and 49 provides for free education, allowances for university and college students, social education, conditions for study to all workers and nurseries and kindergartens for preschool children from the state.[12]
Articles 50 and 51 emphasizes that North Korea should develop its science and technology.[12]
Article 52 states that North Korea has a Juche-oriented, revolutionary art and literature that has nationalist form and socialist content that allows for the production of ideological and artistic works and the broad participation of the masses in literary and artistic activities.[12]
Article 53 requires the state to provide cultural facilities for the people for their mental and physical improvement.[12]
Article 54 requires the state to protect and develop the national language.[12]
Article 55 requires the state to prepare the people for work and national defense through sports.[12] Article 56 provides the people with access to free healthcare to protect their health, while Article 57 provides them with access to hygienic living and working conditions through environmental protection efforts by the state.[12]
Chapter 4 – National Defense[edit]
2/n
Chapter 2 – Economy[edit]
Chapter 2 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 19 articles that outline the economic structure of North Korea.
Article 19 states that North Korea relies on the socialist relations of production and the foundation of an independent national economy.[11]
Articles 20 to 23 states that the means of production are owned by the state and social cooperatives, and lists provisions for state and social cooperative properties.[11]
Article 24 allows for citizens to have private property, which the state shall protect and guarantee its inheritance.[11]
Article 25 states that North Korea shall continually increase the living standards of its people who shall be provided by the state with food, clothing and housing.[11]
Article 26 states that North Korea has an independent national economy in which Article 27 states that science and technology will have a leading role.[11]
Article 30 provides for an eight-hour work day for workers which the state will fully utilize, while Article 31 prohibits work for those who are below 16 years old.[11]
Article 33 states that the North Korean economy will be managed by the producer masses under the Cabinet based on the "socialist system of responsible business management" and on economic levers such as cost, price and profit.[11]
Article 34 states that North Korea has a planned economy which the state shall develop based on socialist principles.[11] Article 35 provides a requirement for a state budget based on North Korea's plans for economic development.[11]
Article 36 states that foreign trade in North Korea is conducted by state institutions, state enterprises and social cooperatives with the objective of maintaining credibility in foreign trade, improving trade structure and developing trade relations with foreign countries.[11] Article 37 encourages joint ventures with foreign corporations and individuals and the creation of businesses in special economic zones.[11] Article 38 establishes a tariff policy to protect the North Korean economy.[11]
Chapter 3 – Culture[edit]
Chapter 3 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 18 articles that outline the cultural structure of North Korea.
Article 39 states that North Korea has a socialist culture, which in Article 40 states to be training the people into builders of socialism.[12] Article 41 provides that this socialist culture is popular and revolutionary.[12]
Article 44 provides for public education, cadre training, technological education and education in work.[12] Article 45 provides for a universal compulsory 12-year education, with Article 46 providing scientific and technical training.[12] Articles 47, 48 and 49 provides for free education, allowances for university and college students, social education, conditions for study to all workers and nurseries and kindergartens for preschool children from the state.[12]
Articles 50 and 51 emphasizes that North Korea should develop its science and technology.[12]
Article 52 states that North Korea has a Juche-oriented, revolutionary art and literature that has nationalist form and socialist content that allows for the production of ideological and artistic works and the broad participation of the masses in literary and artistic activities.[12]
Article 53 requires the state to provide cultural facilities for the people for their mental and physical improvement.[12]
Article 54 requires the state to protect and develop the national language.[12]
Article 55 requires the state to prepare the people for work and national defense through sports.[12] Article 56 provides the people with access to free healthcare to protect their health, while Article 57 provides them with access to hygienic living and working conditions through environmental protection efforts by the state.[12]
Chapter 4 – National Defense[edit]
Preamble[edit]
The preamble describes North Korea, which has the official name of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, as the "socialist state of Juche" that applies the ideas and achievements of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il on state construction.[9]
Kim Il Sung is credited as the "founder of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and father of socialist Korea" who founded the Juche idea and turned North Korea into a socialist country.[9] Kim Jong Il is credited as the "peerless patriot and defender of socialist Korea" who had kept Kim Il Sung's policies and turned North Korea into a politico-ideological power, a nuclear state and a military power through Songun politics.[9]
Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il were described by the preamble to have always worked for the people under their motto of "the people are heaven," and are credited for making North Korea as a unique country in the world for accomplishing the tasks for building a prosperous and independent state.[9] The preamble also praises both leaders as the "saviors of the nation" who have worked for Korean reunification, and as "veteran world statesmen" for developing North Korea's foreign relations.[9]
The preamble states that Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il's ideas and achievements are "lasting treasures of the Korean revolution" and the basic guarantee for North Korea's prosperity, while setting up the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun as a monument to the leaders' immortality and a national symbol for Korea.[9]
The preamble concludes by enshrining Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il as the eternal leaders of North Korea, and that the constitution would consist of their ideas and achievements which makes it the Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il Constitution.[9]
Chapter 1 – Politics[edit]
Chapter 1 of the Socialist Constitution consists of 18 articles that outline the political structure of North Korea.
Article 1 states that North Korea, which has an official name of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, is an independent socialist state, with Article 2 also stating it as a revolutionary state.[10] Article 3 makes Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism as the country's guide for its activities, while Article 11 makes the Workers' Party of Korea lead all of the country's activities.[10]
Article 4 gives the sovereignty of the country to the working people consisting of workers, peasants, soldiers and talented personnel who exercise it through their representatives in the Supreme People's Assembly and the local people's assemblies.[10] Article 6 and 7 states that these representatives are elected by the people based on universal, equal and direct suffrage, and are responsible to them.[10]
Article 5 states that government institutions are created and operated based on democratic centralism.[10]
Article 8 provides a "people-centered" social system for North Korea that turns "workers into masters of everything" and "everything in society serve the workers," and tasks the state to respect and defend the people's human rights.[10]
Article 9 provides North Korea with the task to achieve "the complete victory of socialism" in the northern half of Korea and the reunification of Korea.[10]
Article 10 states that North Korea is based on the "political and ideological unity" of the people who are in a working class-led worker-peasant alliance, and that the people will be revolutionized and assimilated by the state into a single united society.[10] Article 12 adds that the North Korean state will "adhere to the class line" and "defend the people's power and the socialist system" from "hostile elements" through the people's democratic dictatorship.[10]
Article 13 states that North Korea will resolve the country's issues by finding solutions from the masses through the revolutionary work system, while Article 14 institutionalizes mass movements such as the Three-Revolution Red Flag movement to push socialist construction in the country.[
Here is the full passage from "The Gay Science" where Nietzsche introduces the concept of "God is dead":
"Have you not heard of that madman who lit a lantern in the bright morning hours, ran to the market-place, and cried incessantly: 'I am looking for God! I am looking for God!' As many of those who did not believe in God were standing together there, he excited considerable laughter. Have you lost him, then? said one. Did he lose his way like a child? said another. Or is he hiding? Is he afraid of us? Has he gone on a voyage? or emigrated? Thus they yelled and laughed.
The madman jumped into their midst and pierced them with his eyes. 'Whither is God?' he cried; 'I will tell you. We have killed him – you and I. All of us are his murderers. But how did we do this? How could we drink up the sea? Who gave us the sponge to wipe away the entire horizon? What were we doing when we unchained this earth from its sun? Whither is it moving now? Whither are we moving? Away from all suns? Are we not perpetually falling? Backward, sideward, forward, in all directions? Is there any up or down left? Are we not straying as through an infinite nothing? Do we not feel the breath of empty space? Has it not become colder? Is not night continually closing in on us? Do we not need to light lanterns in the morning? Do we hear nothing as yet of the noise of the gravediggers who are burying God? Do we smell nothing as yet of the divine decomposition? Gods, too, decompose. God is dead. God remains dead. And we have killed him. How shall we, murderers of all murderers, console ourselves? That which was the holiest and mightiest of all that the world has yet possessed has bled to death under our knives. Who will wipe this blood off us? With what water could we purify ourselves? What festivals of atonement, what sacred games shall we need to invent? Is not the greatness of this deed too great for us? Must we not ourselves become gods simply to be worthy of it?"
It is a fact that over the past 30 years we have been patiently trying to come to an agreement with the leading NATO countries regarding the principles of equal and indivisible security in Europe. In response to our proposals, we invariably faced either cynical deception and lies or attempts at pressure and blackmail, while the North Atlantic alliance continued to expand despite our protests and concerns.
Article 1
1. Mongolia is an independent and sovereign Republic.
2. Securing democracy, justice, freedom, equality, national unity and respecting the
rule of law are the fundamental principles of the State activities.
Article 2
1. The state structure of Mongolia shall be unitary.
2. The territory of Mongolia shall only be divided into administrative units. Article 3
1. All governance power in Mongolia shall be vested upon its people. The people of Mongolia shall directly participate in State affairs and shall exercise such right through the representative organ of the State power established by their election.
2. Illegitimate seizure of State power or any attempts to do so shall be prohibited.
Article 4
1. The territorial integrity of Mongolia and the State borders shall be inviolable.
2. The State borders of Mongolia shall be ensured by law.
3. Stationing foreign military forces in the territory of Mongolia or admitting over
the state border to traverse shall be prohibited without enactment of a law.
Article 5
1. Mongolia shall have a multi form proprietor economy complying with the common trends of world economic development and its internal distinctiveness.
2. The State shall recognize any forms of public and private properties and shall protect the owner's rights by law.
3. The rights of owners may only be restricted on grounds prescribed by the law.
IT HAS turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace. For that little town is situated just on the frontier between those two States the reunion of which seems, at least to us of the younger generation, a task to which we should devote our lives and in the pursuit of which every possible means should be employed.
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland. And not indeed on any grounds of economic calculation whatsoever. No, no. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, still it ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same REICH. The German people will have no right to engage in a colonial policy until they shall have brought all their children together in the one State. When the territory of the REICH embraces all the Germans and finds itself unable to assure them a livelihood, only then can the moral right arise, from the need of the people to acquire foreign territory. The plough is then the sword; and the tears of war will produce the daily bread for the generations to come.
And so this little frontier town appeared to me as the symbol of a great task. But in another regard also it points to a lesson that is applicable to our day. Over a hundred years ago this sequestered spot was the scene of a tragic calamity which affected the whole German nation and will be remembered for ever, at least in the annals of German history. At the time of our Fatherland's deepest humiliation a bookseller, Johannes Palm, uncompromising nationalist and enemy of the French, was put to death here because he had the misfortune to have loved Germany well. He obstinately refused to disclose the names of his associates, or rather the principals who were chiefly responsible for the affair. Just as it happened with Leo Schlageter. The former, like the latter, was denounced to the French by a Government agent. It was a director of police from Augsburg who won an ignoble renown on that occasion and set the example which was to be copied at a later date by the neo-German officials of the REICH under Herr Severing's regime (Note 1).
IT HAS turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace. For that little town is situated just on the frontier between those two States the reunion of which seems, at least to us of the younger generation, a task to which we should devote our lives and in the pursuit of which every possible means should be employed.
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland. And not indeed on any grounds of economic calculation whatsoever. No, no. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, still it ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same REICH. The German people will have no right to engage in a colonial policy until they shall have brought all their children together in the one State. When the territory of the REICH embraces all the Germans and finds itself unable to assure them a livelihood, only then can the moral right arise, from the need of the people to acquire foreign territory. The plough is then the sword; and the tears of war will produce the daily bread for the generations to come.
And so this little frontier town appeared to me as the symbol of a great task. But in another regard also it points to a lesson that is applicable to our day. Over a hundred years ago this sequestered spot was the scene of a tragic calamity which affected the whole German nation and will be remembered for ever, at least in the annals of German history. At the time of our Fatherland's deepest humiliation a bookseller, Johannes Palm, uncompromising nationalist and enemy of the French, was put to death here because he had the misfortune to have loved Germany well. He obstinately refused to disclose the names of his associates, or rather the principals who were chiefly responsible for the affair. Just as it happened with Leo Schlageter. The former, like the latter, was denounced to the French by a Government agent. It was a director of police from Augsburg who won an ignoble renown on that occasion and set the example which was to be copied at a later date by the neo-German officials of the REICH under Herr Severing's regime (Note 1).
IT HAS turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace. For that little town is situated just on the frontier between those two States the reunion of which seems, at least to us of the younger generation, a task to which we should devote our lives and in the pursuit of which every possible means should be employed.
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland. And not indeed on any grounds of economic calculation whatsoever. No, no. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, still it ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same REICH. The German people will have no right to engage in a colonial policy until they shall have brought all their children together in the one State. When the territory of the REICH embraces all the Germans and finds itself unable to assure them a livelihood, only then can the moral right arise, from the need of the people to acquire foreign territory. The plough is then the sword; and the tears of war will produce the daily bread for the generations to come.
And so this little frontier town appeared to me as the symbol of a great task. But in another regard also it points to a lesson that is applicable to our day. Over a hundred years ago this sequestered spot was the scene of a tragic calamity which affected the whole German nation and will be remembered for ever, at least in the annals of German history. At the time of our Fatherland's deepest humiliation a bookseller, Johannes Palm, uncompromising nationalist and enemy of the French, was put to death here because he had the misfortune to have loved Germany well. He obstinately refused to disclose the names of his associates, or rather the principals who were chiefly responsible for the affair. Just as it happened with Leo Schlageter. The former, like the latter, was denounced to the French by a Government agent. It was a director of police from Augsburg who won an ignoble renown on that occasion and set the example which was to be copied at a later date by the neo-German officials of the REICH under Herr Severing's regime (Note 1).
IT HAS turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace. For that little town is situated just on the frontier between those two States the reunion of which seems, at least to us of the younger generation, a task to which we should devote our lives and in the pursuit of which every possible means should be employed.
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland. And not indeed on any grounds of economic calculation whatsoever. No, no. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, still it ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same REICH. The German people will have no right to engage in a colonial policy until they shall have brought all their children together in the one State. When the territory of the REICH embraces all the Germans and finds itself unable to assure them a livelihood, only then can the moral right arise, from the need of the people to acquire foreign territory. The plough is then the sword; and the tears of war will produce the daily bread for the generations to come.
And so this little frontier town appeared to me as the symbol of a great task. But in another regard also it points to a lesson that is applicable to our day. Over a hundred years ago this sequestered spot was the scene of a tragic calamity which affected the whole German nation and will be remembered for ever, at least in the annals of German history. At the time of our Fatherland's deepest humiliation a bookseller, Johannes Palm, uncompromising nationalist and enemy of the French, was put to death here because he had the misfortune to have loved Germany well. He obstinately refused to disclose the names of his associates, or rather the principals who were chiefly responsible for the affair. Just as it happened with Leo Schlageter. The former, like the latter, was denounced to the French by a Government agent. It was a director of police from Augsburg who won an ignoble renown on that occasion and set the example which was to be copied at a later date by the neo-German officials of the REICH under Herr Severing's regime (Note 1).
IT HAS turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace. For that little town is situated just on the frontier between those two States the reunion of which seems, at least to us of the younger generation, a task to which we should devote our lives and in the pursuit of which every possible means should be employed.
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland. And not indeed on any grounds of economic calculation whatsoever. No, no. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, still it ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same REICH. The German people will have no right to engage in a colonial policy until they shall have brought all their children together in the one State. When the territory of the REICH embraces all the Germans and finds itself unable to assure them a livelihood, only then can the moral right arise, from the need of the people to acquire foreign territory. The plough is then the sword; and the tears of war will produce the daily bread for the generations to come.
And so this little frontier town appeared to me as the symbol of a great task. But in another regard also it points to a lesson that is applicable to our day. Over a hundred years ago this sequestered spot was the scene of a tragic calamity which affected the whole German nation and will be remembered for ever, at least in the annals of German history. At the time of our Fatherland's deepest humiliation a bookseller, Johannes Palm, uncompromising nationalist and enemy of the French, was put to death here because he had the misfortune to have loved Germany well. He obstinately refused to disclose the names of his associates, or rather the principals who were chiefly responsible for the affair. Just as it happened with Leo Schlageter. The former, like the latter, was denounced to the French by a Government agent. It was a director of police from Augsburg who won an ignoble renown on that occasion and set the example which was to be copied at a later date by the neo-German officials of the REICH under Herr Severing's regime (Note 1).
Sounds good!
Will there ever be a Android version?